Kokoda Track campaign

The Kokoda Track campaign or Kokoda Trail campaign was part of the Pacific War of World War II. The campaign consisted of a series of battles fought between July and November 1942 in what was then the Australian Territory of Papua. It was primarily a land battle, between the Japanese South Seas Detachment under Major General Tomitarō Horii and Australian and Papuan land forces under command of New Guinea Force. The Japanese objective was to seize Port Moresby by an overland advance from the north coast, following the Kokoda Track over the mountains of the Owen Stanley Range, as part of a strategy to isolate Australia from the United States. Japanese forces landed and established beachheads near Gona and Buna on 21 July 1942. Opposed by Maroubra Force, then consisting of four platoons of the 39th Battalion and elements of the Papuan Infantry Battalion, they quickly advanced and captured Kokoda and its strategically vital airfield on 29 July. Despite reinforcement, the Australian forces were continually pushed back. The veteran Second Australian Imperial Force (AIF) 21st Brigade narrowly avoided capture in the Battle of Mission Ridge – Brigade Hill from 6 to 8 September. In the Battle of Ioribaiwa from 13 to 16 September, the 25th Brigade under Brigadier Kenneth Eather fought the Japanese to a halt but ceded the field to the Japanese, withdrawing to Imita Ridge. The Japanese advanced to within sight of Port Moresby but withdrew on 26 September. They had outrun their supply line and had been ordered to withdraw in consequence of reverses suffered at Guadalcanal. The Australian pursuit encountered strong opposition from well-prepared positions around Templeton's Crossing and Eora Village from 11 to 28 October. Following the unopposed recapture of Kokoda, a major battle was fought around Oivi and Gorari from 4 to 11 November, resulting in a victory for the Australians. By 16 November, two brigades of the Australian 7th Division had crossed the Kumusi River at Wairopi, and advanced on the Japanese beachheads in a joint Australian and United States operation. The Japanese forces at Buna–Gona held out until 22 January 1943. Australian reinforcement was hampered by the logistical problems of supporting a force in isolated, mountainous, jungle terrain. There were few planes available for aerial resupply, and techniques for it were still primitive. Australian command considered that the Vickers machine gun and medium mortars were too heavy to carry and would be ineffective in the jungle terrain. Without artillery, mortars or medium machine guns, the Australians faced an opponent equipped with mountain guns and light howitzers that had been carried into the mountains and proved to be a decisive advantage. Australian forces were unprepared to conduct a campaign in the jungle environment of New Guinea. The lessons learned during the course of this campaign and the subsequent battle of Buna–Gona led to widespread changes in doctrine, training, equipment and structure, with a legacy that remains until the present day. In consequence of the rapid Japanese advance and the perceived failure to quickly counterattack, a "crisis of command" resulted, in which manoeuvring by General Douglas MacArthur, Supreme Commander of Allied Forces in the South West Pacific Area, and General Sir Thomas Blamey, commander of Allied Land Forces, resulted in the sackings of three high-ranking Australian officers. The generalship of MacArthur and Blamey has been criticised for unreasonable and unrealistic perceptions of the terrain and conditions under which the campaign was fought—to the detriment of the troops committed to the fighting. The Kokoda Track campaign has been mythologised as Australia's Thermopylae and incorporated into the Anzac legend even though the premise of a vastly numerically superior enemy has since been shown to be incorrect.

Background

Strategic context

After the fall of Singapore, the Australian government and many Australians feared that Japan would invade the Australian mainland. Australia was ill-prepared to counter such an attack. The entire 8th Division, deployed to Malaya, Ambon, Timor and Rabaul, was lost or rendered ineffective as the Japanese rapidly advanced. The Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) lacked modern aircraft and the Royal Australian Navy (RAN) was too small to counter the Imperial Japanese Navy. The RAAF and RAN were greatly expanded, though it took years for these services to build up to their peak strengths. The Militia was mobilised but, although a large force, it was inexperienced and lacked modern equipment. In response to the threat, the Government appealed to the United States for assistance, and the 6th and 7th Divisions of the Second Australian Imperial Force (2nd AIF) were brought back from the Middle East. British Prime Minister Winston Churchill attempted to divert them to Burma, but the Australian Prime Minister, John Curtin, refused to authorise this movement. As a compromise, two brigades of the 6th Division disembarked at Ceylon, where they formed part of the garrison until they returned to Australia in August 1942. The Japanese Imperial General Headquarters considered invading Australia in early 1942 but decided against doing so in February that year, as it was judged to be beyond the Japanese capabilities, and no planning or preparations were undertaken. Instead, in March 1942 the Japanese military adopted a strategy of isolating Australia from the United States and preventing Allied offensive operations by capturing Port Moresby, the Solomon Islands, Fiji, Samoa and New Caledonia. An attempt to capture Port Moresby by an amphibious assault, Operation Mo, was thwarted by the Battle of the Coral Sea in May 1942. A month later, most of the Japanese carrier fleet was destroyed in the Battle of Midway, further reducing the possibility of major amphibious operations in the South Pacific. Following this, the Japanese began to consider an overland advance on Port Moresby.

Meanwhile, the Allied Supreme Commander in the South West Pacific Area, General Douglas MacArthur set about developing airfields for the defence of Port Moresby, and to strike against the Japanese. The first of these, Operation Boston, was authorised on 20 May and initially planned for the Abau–Mullins Harbor area. Milne Bay was subsequently determined to be preferable and a garrison force was sent by ship from Port Moresby on 22 June. Another strip at Merauke, on the south coast of Dutch New Guinea was authorised on 22 June to protect the western flank. On 9 June, MacArthur questioned General Sir Thomas Blamey, the commander of Allied Land Forces, as to measures taken for the defence of the overland approach from Buna. This set in train the deployment of forces to Kokoda. MacArthur began to consider the development of an airfield in the Buna area. An initial reconnaissance, landed by flying boat, was conducted on 10 and 11 July. Orders for the airfield construction, Operation Providence, were received by New Guinea Force (NGF) on 17 July, but were postponed by seven days on 18 July, and cancelled following the Japanese landings that shortly followed.

Geography

In 1942, Papua was a territory of Australia. There had been little development and it was largely devoid of infrastructure beyond that around Port Moresby. The pre-war economy was based primarily upon copra and rubber—with plantations established intermittently in coastal regions—and mining. The administrative centre of Port Moresby had basic airfield and port facilities. There were no roads beyond the vicinity of Port Moresby and, by modern standards, these were little more than tracks. As a result, travel north of Port Moresby was largely undertaken by air, or sea. There were a few landing fields around Port Moresby, with others on the northern side of the Owen Stanley Range at the government stations of Buna and Kokoda. The village of Kokoda is positioned on a plateau in the northern foot-hills of the Owen Stanley Range. It overlooks the Yodda Valley (formed by the Mambare River) to its north. The Mambare runs roughly south-east to north-west. Kokoda is approximately 100-kilometre (62 mi) direct line from the coastal village of Buna, which formed part of the Japanese beachhead positions occupied on their landing. However, the overland route was approximately 160 kilometres (100 mi). The track to the coast crosses the Kumusi River at Wairopi, approximately 25 kilometres (16 mi) east of Kokoda. The river was spanned there by a wire-rope bridge (Wairopi being pidgin for wire rope). There was a wide track leading from there to the coast which the Japanese subsequently set about developing as a road for vehicle traffic. In 1942, the village was the site of a government station, rubber plantation and strategically important airstrip. The Kokoda Track is a foot track that runs roughly southwest from Kokoda 96 kilometres (60 mi) overland (60 kilometres (37 mi) in a straight line) through the Owen Stanley Range towards Port Moresby. It was known before the war and had been used as an overland mail route. While there is a "main track" that is associated with the fighting during the campaign, there are many parallel, interlocking tracks that follow much the same general course. The southern end of the track is now considered to start at Owers' Corner, 61 kilometres (38 mi) from Port Moresby. The vehicle track from Port Moresby originally terminated at McDonald's [Corner], where it serviced the McDonald homestead. Between June and late September 1942, around 11 kilometres (7 mi) of road was completed, extending it to Owers' Corner. The Kokoda Track passed through what was referred to during the early war years as "the (Kokoda) Gap". To the Japanese, who had learned of the Gap through vague explorer's accounts, it potentially offered a corridor from Buna through the Owen Stanleys along which they could launch a quick advance on Port Moresby. Conversely, the Allies believed it was a narrow and largely impassable path that could be blocked and held with only limited resources. In reality, the Gap is a dip in the Owen Stanley Range about 11 kilometres (7 mi) wide, convenient for aircraft crossing the range to pass through. The track reaches a height of 2,190 metres (7,185 ft) as it passes around the peak of Mount Bellamy. The terrain rises and falls with regularity, up to 5,000 metres (16,000 ft) up and down over the full length of the track. This markedly increases the distance to be traversed, although there are several flat areas, particularly around Myola. The vegetation is largely dense jungle. The climate is mostly hot and humid with high rainfall, although the higher parts are cold, particularly at night. The higher elevations are frequently above cloud level, resulting in fog. Myola is close to the watershed. A stream flowing from Myola is part of the headwaters of Eora Creek on the northern watershed. On the northern part of the track, its course, to Deniki, is determined by Eora Creek. It follows along the side of the steep valley formed by the creek. It crosses the creek from one side to the other at several points along its course. From Deniki, the track descends to the Kokoda plateau.

Disease

Operations in New Guinea were impacted by tropical diseases such as malaria, dengue fever, scrub typhus, tropical ulcers, dysentery from a range of causes and fungal infections. Walker observes that the Kokoda Track "starts and ends with malaria". Malarial vectors were substantially absent from the cooler, higher elevations along the track. Most cases observed in these areas were relapses rather than primary infections. The immediate vicinity of Port Moresby is relatively dry. While this tends to mitigate the risk of malaria, significant rates of the disease were observed in troops, mainly militia, sent to New Guinea for defence of the port, leading up to the campaign. The risk from malaria was particularly high for troops operating in the coastal area around the southern end of the track and when the Australian forces had been forced back to Imita Ridge. AIF units returning from the Middle East were more aware of the threat this disease posed and arrived with supplies of quinine. For these reasons, the disease did not have the same degree of significance or impact on operations as it did at Milne Bay or the subsequent operations at Buna–Gona. Anderson recounts the prevalence of dysentery among Australian troops, while James reports that "more and more [Japanese] succumbed" to diseases, including dysentery, as they withdrew along the track. Walker attributes enteric infections to poor field hygiene, contaminated and unpurified water, and a failure to make adequate sanitary provisions along the track during the early part of the campaign. He also identifies that a proportion of diarrhoeal disturbances were attributable to the poor diet (particularly the high-fat content of tinned beef) rather than infection.

Japanese forces

The Japanese 17th Army under Lieutenant General Harukichi Hyakutake was a corps-sized command, based at Rabaul, involved in the New Guinea, Guadalcanal, and Solomon Islands campaigns. Following Coral Sea, the 17th Army considered an overland advance on Port Moresby. This was based on pre-war intelligence that a road existed linking it with Kokoda. Initial aerial reconnaissance was inconclusive but plans were made for a reconnaissance in force and to exploit the possibility of an advance along such a route. The 15th Independent Engineer Regiment (less one company) and the South Seas Detachment under Major General Tomitarō Horii were assigned to these tasks. At the time, Horii was unenthusiastic as to the possibility of success, in consideration of the logistical difficulties that would be faced, but he did not press his objection. An advance party, under command of Colonel Yokoyama Yosuke of the 15th Independent Engineer Regiment was to consist of the main force of the regiment, the 1st Battalion of the 144th Infantry Regiment, and the 1st Company, 1st Battalion of the 55th Mountain Artillery Regiment. It also included 500 Korean and Formosan labourers and 2,000 native labourers from Rabaul. A naval force based on the 5th Yokosuka Naval Landing Party was to land at the same time as the advance party and commence construction of an airfield at Buna. Japanese planning proceeded on the premise that an overland assault would occur.

The initial landing took place from the evening of 21 July 1942. An infantry company was immediately dispatched towards Kokoda. A second component of the Yokoyama landing party arrived on 29 July. The landing was reinforced by successive convoys over the following weeks. The main force of the 144th Infantry Regiment landed on 18 August. The 41st Infantry Regiment (less 1st Battalion) landed on 21 August, with the 1st Battalion landing on 27 August. Horii linked up with the advance party at Kokoda and began to assemble his force for the overland advance. By 26 August, it consisted of the 144th Infantry Regiment (three battalions), the 41st Infantry Regiment (2nd and 3rd Battalions, with the 1st Battalion yet to arrive—joining the main force on 14 September) and 1st Battalion, 55th Mountain Artillery Regiment. The 3rd Battalion was tasked with protecting the force's line-of-communication. The 41st Infantry Regiment fielded only 1,900 troops since both the 1st and 3rd Battalions had approximately 400 detached from each for road construction and supply tasks. The force has been estimated at 6,000. Horii commenced his advance with each man carrying sixteen days' rations. Troops of both regiments were seasoned veterans. The 41st Infantry Regiment had fought against Australians in Malaya.

Australian forces

The Australian territories of Papua and New Guinea formed the 8th Military District of Australia (subsequently designated New Guinea Force) under command of Brigadier Basil Morris. As war in the Pacific approached, there were two local militia units: the Papuan Infantry Battalion (PIB) and the New Guinea Volunteer Rifles. With growing tensions, the 49th Battalion was sent to Port Moresby in March 1941. On 3 January 1942, the 49th Battalion was joined by the 39th and 53rd Battalions under command of the 30th Brigade. At the end of May, the force protecting Port Moresby was increased by the 14th Brigade, consisting of the 3rd, 36th and 55th Battalions. The militia units were considered poorly trained, though some effort was taken to infuse them with experienced junior officers, most of their time in New Guinea was spent labouring rather than training. Morale in the 53rd Battalion was particularly low. A draft, numbering about one hundred, was drawn from other militia units on short notice. With embarkation in late December, they were denied Christmas leave. Destined for North Queensland they were diverted to New Guinea en route. The disaffection undermined morale and has been cited as a significant factor in respect of the battalion's subsequent performance.

As well as defending Port Moresby, New Guinea Force commanded operations against the Japanese landings around Wau, that occurred on 8 March 1942, and was commencing development of an air base at Milne Bay. The 7th Division of the 2nd AIF was poised to deploy to New Guinea—its 21st and 25th Brigades would be assigned to the defence of Port Moresby, while its 18th Brigade would be sent to Milne Bay. On 12 June 1942, Morris ordered the PIB to patrol a wide area of the north coast around: Ioma, located approximately 60 kilometres (35 mi) north-northeast of Kokoda; Awala, between Kokoda and Gona; and, Tufi, on Cape Nelson – with headquarters at Kokoda. The battalion, commanded by Major William Watson, consisted of three companies with a total strength of 310, including 30 Europeans – mainly officers and senior non-commissioned officers. Its role was reconnaissance. There were indications of Japanese plans to land in the vicinity of Buna. On 22 June Morris received orders from LHQ to deploy "Australian infantry" to Kokoda for the forward defence of Port Moresby. About the middle of July, GHQ was planning Operation Providence for development of an airstrip in the vicinity of Buna. When orders were issued to Morris for the Providence operation on 17 July, he intended to use the 39th Battalion as the force required under the plan to garrison the Buna area. The initial deployment of the 39th Battalion had an entirely different aim though. Author, Eustace Keogh, clarifies this:

On 15 July General MacArthur issued orders for the first forward in this area [meaning Buna-Gona]. These orders directed that a small force of Australian infantry and American engineers should march across the Kokoda Trail to Buna where they would be joined by another party moving by sea. The object was to construct an airfield at Dobodura. Actually, the overland part of this movement had already begun, though it had an entirely different aim. On 20 June General Blamey...had ordered Morris to take steps to secure the Kokoda area and its airstrip...Preceded by the PIB, the leading company of the 39th was to leave Illolo on 26 June. Actually the company did not leave that point until 7 July. On 23 June, an initial order was given for a company of the 39th Battalion to deploy to Kokoda with the possibility of it being joined by the rest of the battalion. This was amended on 24 June for deployment of the battalion (less one company). The instrument for this was NGF Operational Instruction 18. It placed the PIB under command of the 39th Battalion. It also assigned detachments of service units in support. Attachments were placed under command of Lieutenant Colonel William Owen, commanding officer of the 39th Battalion. "Maroubra" was assigned as the code word. An advance party, the battalion's B Company under Captain Sam Templeton, assembled at Illolo. Departing on Uberi 8 July, it arrived at Kokoda on 14 July. As a code word, "Maroubra" continued to be used throughout the campaign to refer to operations along the track and the Australian forces deployed forward—even though references to "Maroubra Force" in sources is somewhat enigmatic. The Japanese landings around Buna and Gona saw B Company of the 39th Battalion in position at Kokoda and C Company advancing along the track, departing Illolo on 23 July. The remainder of the battalion was poised to move and most of the battalion had arrived at Deniki by 4 August.

Campaign

Overview

In the early evening of 21 July 1942, Japanese troops landed close to Gona. The Japanese advance party moved rapidly towards Kokoda, reaching the Kumusi, at Wairopi in the afternoon of 23 July. The PIB and Australians engaged the advancing Japanese with ambushes. B Company, 39th Battalion assembled a force (including what remained of the PIB) to make a stand near Oivi on 26 July. One platoon remained at Kokoda. Threatened with encirclement, the force at Oivi withdrew south to Deniki. Having lost contact, the platoon at Kokoda also withdrew to Deniki on 27 July. With the force reassembled, it reoccupied the village unopposed on 28 July. The first battle at Kokoda was fought over 28–29 July. Repeated, determined attacks caused the Australians to withdraw to Deniki. Owen, commanding officer of the 39th Battalion, was mortally wounded in the fighting. There was a pause in the Japanese advance. Remaining companies of the 39th Battalion arrived overland and Major Allan Cameron, Brigade Major of the 30th Brigade was appointed to assume command of the force. He planned an attack for 8 August towards Kokoda, with three companies advancing on different lines. Two of the companies were held up and forced to retire. A Company was able to occupy Kokoda but, isolated and under attack, it withdrew during the night of 9 August. Companies of the 39th Battalion had withdrawn to Deniki by 12 August and were attacked the following morning. With the threat of envelopment, the battalion commenced to withdraw towards Isurava on the morning of 14 August. Meanwhile, the 53rd Battalion and headquarters 30th Brigade under Brigadier Selwyn Porter were sent as reinforcements. Two battalions of the 2nd AIF's 21st Brigade under Brigadier Arnold Potts were following. A defensive position was established by Porter at Isurava with the 30th Brigade to be relieved by the 21st Brigade force. As Potts' lead battalion approached, he took command of the combined force to effect the relief. However, the Japanese advance overtook events and, from 26 to 31 August, a battle ensued in which four Japanese battalions were committed. The 53rd Battalion failed to secure the eastern flank and, with the Japanese taking a commanding position to the Australian front, ultimately forced an Australian withdrawal. The 21st Brigade then fought a series of engagements between 31 August and 5 September as it withdrew from Eora Village to Templeton's Crossing.

The Japanese had landed at Milne Bay on 25 August but, as the Australian position there firmed, the third battalion of Potts' 21st Brigade was released to join the fighting along the track. With this reinforcement, he determined to make a stand on Mission Ridge, running forward from Brigade Hill. In fighting from 6 to 9 September, two battalions of the brigade withdrew, narrowly avoiding encirclement while the 2/27th Battalion was feared lost until its remnants emerged from the jungle three weeks later. Following the battle, Potts was recalled to Port Moresby, with Porter being placed in command. The depleted 21st Brigade was withdrawn to Ioribaiwa Ridge. It was reinforced by the 3rd Battalion and awaited relief by the 25th Brigade, under command of Eather. Eather took command of the combined force but the Japanese attacked just as his battalions were taking up position—with fighting over the period 14 to 16 September. He obtained permission to withdraw and consolidate at Imita Ridge—the final defensive position along the Track. Meanwhile, American forces had landed at Guadalcanal on 7 August. Unable to support both operations, Horii was ordered to withdraw. When Eather attacked the Japanese positions on 28 September, he found them abandoned. The Australian forces cautiously pursued the Japanese withdrawal. The 16th Brigade was committed to the advance and direct command passed to the 7th Division, under Major General Arthur "Tubby" Allen. The 25th Brigade took the vanguard. On 10 October, Myola was occupied unopposed and contact was made with the Japanese defence. The 25th Brigade was held up at Templeton's Crossing from 16 October until the 16th Brigade pushed through on 20 October and advanced towards Eora Village. Here, the advance was held until the Japanese forces withdrew on 28 October. Pressured to hasten the advance by MacArthur, Allan was replaced by Major General George Vasey on 28 October. The 7th Division advanced towards Kokoda and, when a patrol reported it unoccupied, it was retaken on 2 November. A further battle was fought around Oivi and Gorari from 4 to 11 November. Vasey was able to turn the flank and rout the Japanese. On 15 November, the 7th Division crossed the Kumusi River and commenced its advance towards the beachheads at Buna–Gona.

Reasons for Japanese withdrawal

As the Kokoda Track campaign was taking place, a Japanese invasion force made up of Japanese Special Naval Landing Force units attempted to capture the strategically valuable Milne Bay area on the eastern tip of New Guinea in August 1942. The Battle of Milne Bay, fought from 25 August to 7 September 1942, resulted in a Japanese defeat. This was the first notable Japanese land defeat and raised Allied morale across the Pacific Theatre. Allied forces identified a Japanese airfield under construction at Guadalcanal, and 19,000 US Marines were embarked to capture the airfield. An amphibious landing was made on 7 August. The battle lasted until 9 February 1943 and was strongly contested, on land, at sea and in the air. Hyakutake's initial thrust on 14 September to re-take the island's Henderson Field was defeated. In an unequal battle, Major General Kiyotake Kawaguchi's forces lost about 850 killed, while the American Marines lost 104. When the news reached Imperial General Headquarters in Japan, they decided in an emergency session that they could not support fronts in both New Guinea and at Guadalcanal. Hyakutake decided that he only had sufficient troops and material to defeat the Allied forces on Guadalcanal. He prepared to send more troops to Guadalcanal in another attempt to recapture the airfield. With the concurrence of the Japanese command staff, he ordered Horii to withdraw his troops on the Kokoda Track until the issue at Guadalcanal was decided. The Japanese troops were, after several weeks of exhausting fighting and heavy losses, at Ioribaiwa, within 32 kilometres (20 mi) of Port Moresby. There were also concerns that Allied forces might land at Buna at any time.

Bullard, in the introduction to his translation observes:

... numerous orders and instructions had been issued to commander Horii from the 17th Army and Army General Staff in Tokyo from late August to halt the southward advance of the South Seas Force. These orders, however, were ignored until late September when the withdrawal actually began. Further, several factors were raised for the decision to withdraw—the threat of Allied landings at Buna, the supply situation, and the failure of the Kawaguchi Detachment to retake Guadalcanal. These instructions to halt the advance appear to date from as early as 16 August: "Senior Japanese officers interviewed after the war thought that the factor most influencing the postponement was not Guadalcanal but rather 'stronger than anticipated Australian resistance at Kokoda.'" Bullard reports orders to Horii of 28 August, "[to] advance to the southern slopes of the Owen Stanley Range ... but amass your main strength on the north side of the range in preparation for future operations". Bullard notes a degree of ambiguity with respect to defining the "southern slopes". On 8 September, the 17th Army ordered Horii to assemble the 41st Regiment in the Kokoda area. Horii did draw back the main body of his force but continued to thrust forward. When, on 19 September, Hyakutake became aware that Ioribaiwa had been occupied on 16 September, he "issued strict orders for front-line troops to immediately occupy a position to the north of Mawai". An order of 23 September was to secure the Isurava–Kokoda area as "a base for future operations". Horii had out-run his supply line and therefore his force was faced with extreme rationing and was unable to advance any further. On 24 September, the 2nd/144th Battalion withdrew from Ioribaiwa. The 3rd/144th Battalion formed the rearguard and withdrew during the night of 26 September.

Logistics

Allied logistics

This campaign and the battle that followed at the Japanese beachheads around Buna and Gona were defined, for both sides, by the limitations imposed by terrain and the capability to supply and maintain their forces under the conditions they faced. Morris said to Lieutenant General Sydney Rowell on handing over command of NGF, "The mountains will beat the Nips and we must be careful they don't beat us." Substantially devoid of infrastructure, Morris had set about an ongoing programme to expand, improve and develop harbour and airfield facilities at Port Moresby. Opened in early October, a T-shaped wharf was constructed on Tatana Island. It more than doubled the capacity of the port. Under orders from GHQ, an airfield and subsequent port facilities were developed at Milne Bay. This saw Allied forces fortuitously placed to counter the Japanese landing that occurred there. Roads were virtually non-existent. In concert with orders to deploy Maroubra Force to Kokoda, Lieutenant Bert Kienzle was ordered to construct an overland road for its resupply. Historian Peter Brune describes it as "one of the most ludicrous" orders ever given. Just over 11 kilometres (6.8 mi) of road was completed by the end of September 1942, from McDonald's to Owers' Corner. Kienzle guided Templeton's B Company of the 39th Battalion across the track to Kokoda. As they went, Kienzle identified staging points along the track and made arrangements for provisioning them. When they arrived at Kokoda, food was running low. Kienzle made a brief visit to his homestead in the Yodda Valley and returned with supplies. The trek was considered too arduous for the soldiers to carry any heavy equipment. Arrangements had been made for a coastal vessel to transport supplies and other equipment to Buna. It was unloaded the day prior to the Japanese commencing their landings at Basabua, northward around the coast, near Gona. While Kokoda was held, it was possible to resupply by air landing. Owen flew into Kokoda to take command on 24 July. On 26 July, a platoon of D Company was landed. Lacking serviceable aircraft, this was done in two lifts by a single plane. Having returned overland, Kienzle made a report on the supply situation. A porter could carry a load equivalent to 13 days' rations. If he carried rations for a soldier, between them, they would consume the load in 6½ days. This made no allowance for ammunition, other necessary equipment or the porter's return. The trek to Kokoda was 8 days. He concluded that operations could not be sustained without large scale air drops occurring. Aerial resupply commenced with drop sites at Kagi and Efogi but neither site was particularly suitable. Significant quantities fell outside the drop zone and could not be recovered. Unreliable maps or poor visibility in the drop zone meant that supplies were often misdropped. Recognising that a better drop zone was needed, Kienzle set out on 1 August, to find a large open area he recalled having seen from the air. On 3 August, he identified the smaller of two dry lake beds near the crest of the range, which he called Myola. Kienzle immediately requested that dropping begin at Myola. Access to this large area alleviated the proportion of supplies lost to the jungle. It also made the task of carriers achievable. He set about establishing it as a supply camp and cut a new track towards Eora Creek. It joined the existing track at Templeton's Crossing, which he also named.

While the discovery of Myola alleviated one of the problems associated with resupply, it did not solve them all. Air drops requested during the second battle at Kokoda were delayed by weather—which frequently interfered with air operations over the range. At the start of the campaign, effective air dropping techniques had not been developed. Belated drops to Kokoda were made by fighters because of the lack of transports. Belly tanks were filled with supplies but this could not be widely used. Parachutes were not initially available and, after a quantity were delivered in mid-September, remained in short supply and were reserved for essential equipment. Most supplies were "free dropped". Packaging was primitive by modern standards. Supplies were wrapped in blankets or tied in sacks. There was, however, a conscious choice to utilise packing, such as blankets, that were required by the troops and might otherwise have been supplied separately. The rate of breakage and loss was high—on average, 50 per cent and up to 90 per cent. Lieutenant Fayle, Allen's aide-de-camp, commented that: "The whole fact of the matter, and NGF seemed unable to understand all through the campaign, was that recoveries were never 100 per cent of the supplies dropped and wastage was at times terrific." The lack of transport aircraft was another constraint. On 5 August, the only two aircraft available for supply work returned to Australia. On 17 August, a Japanese air raid on Port Moresby destroyed five aircraft and severely damaged eleven others when the aircraft had been parked close together. Of these, seven transports (later dubbed "biscuit bombers") were destroyed or put out of commission, leaving only one in service. This report by Gillison is indicative since there is considerable variation in the sources as to the number and type of planes damaged and destroyed. What is clear is that this was a disastrous event that significantly curtailed the Allied capacity to resupply the troops fighting along the track. Moremon says that no aircraft were available for dropping until 23 August while McCathy states this as 22 August. Given the tenuous supply situation, this was a significant break. Civilian aircraft and pilots were pressed into service in an effort to meet demand. They were mainly used in flights between Australia and New Guinea or in rear areas in order to release military planes and personnel for service in forward areas but this did not solve the immediate problem.

Potts' two battalions commenced their advance along the track on the basis that 40,000 rations plus ammunition and other supplies had been stockpiled at Myola and additional supplies existed at staging points along the route. Potts arrived at Myola on 21 August to find only 8,000 rations (five days' reserve) and a further two days' reserve forward. Potts was forced to hold his force at Myola until a sufficient reserve could be accumulated—which impacted his conduct of the battle at Isurava (commencing 26 August). The "missing" rations have been the subject of investigation—both at the time and subsequently. Dudley McCarthy, the Australian official historian, concluded that the reason most likely lay in "faulty [staff] work by inexperienced staff". Rowell's investigation, made at the time, determined that the rations had been dispatched. The second and much larger, dry lake bed, Myola 2, was discovered by a patrol on 21 August. At this time, maps showed and air crew expected only one. John Moremon hypothesises that drops were likely made at the wrong one. Rowell noted in his memoirs that "all through the New Guinea Campaign cargo dropping remained notoriously unreliable".

In consequence of this short-fall and the earlier loss of transports at Port Moresby, urgent requests were forwarded by Rowell through the chain-of-command. Transport aircraft in the theatre at this time were largely operated by the Fifth Air Force, with Major General George Kenney commanding Allied Air Forces. MacArthur released six Douglas Dauntless dive bombers, one B-17 Flying Fortress and two transports. He noted that, at the time, there were only thirty transport planes in Australia and, of these, only 50 per cent were available at any one time. His response stated that the resources being made available should be sufficient for the 9,000 kilograms (20,000 lb) of supplies necessary to supply forces at Wau and along the track (as estimated by Rowell) each day. The figure supplied by Rowell explicitly did not allow for any reserve to be established. MacArthur concluded by saying:

Air supply must necessarily be considered an emergency rather than a normal means of supply. Consequently every effort should be made by the GOC, NGF, to develop other means of supply. When Potts asked for some additional 800 labourers to help alleviate the supply situation, Rowell replied that only 300 could be provided. There was simply not the labour force available to establish a reserve. As Allen was advancing, he estimated that he required 3,000 carriers to support his operations forward of Myola but in late October, there were only 1,250 forward of Myola and none to the rear. During the Australian advance, Myola 2 was developed as the major resupply point. A strip was developed there, being a larger area, but it was considered too risky for general use.

As Potts withdrew from Isurava, Myola was lost—his force destroying anything usable as it left. Successive withdrawals towards the start of the track eased the supply burden. As Allen advanced, following the withdrawing Japanese forces, he was acutely aware of the logistical problems facing his force. He faced pressure from Blamey and MacArthur to advance his forces without being able to assure their supply. His reluctance to do so was a significant factor leading to his replacement. McCarthy observes: "There was little that General Vasey could add immediately to General Allen's planning."

Japanese logistics

Initial Japanese reconnaissance had indicated a trafficable road to Kokoda. Bullard reports the error in this. While the road was improved for vehicle transport to Sonobo, about halfway from Gona to Wairopi, levies from Rabaul and pack-horses would have to carry supplies the remaining distance to Kokoda and further forward. Meanwhile, allied airpower interfered with the Japanese line-of-communication, particularly at the Kumusi River, making it uncrossable by day. Soldiers advanced from Kokoda carrying 16 days' rations. The advance, from the end of July until Ioribaiwa, in mid September was to last for over forty-five days. Their load included ammunition for the artillery and machine guns as well as 18 kilograms (40 lb) of rice per man. A convoy carrying four independent supply companies destined to arrive at Buna on 20 September was delayed: "The mechanism for maintaining supply for the South Seas Force was broken." By the time the Japanese had advanced to Ioribaiwa, there was extreme rationing and the daily rice ration had been reduced to 180 millilitres (6.3 imp fl oz; 6.1 US fl oz) per day without the prospect of captured stores alleviating the difficulty. Horii's force was unable to advance further. As the Japanese withdrew, Allied soldiers found that many Japanese had died of malnutrition with evidence that some Japanese had been reduced to eating wood, grass, roots and other inedible material. Australian soldiers were also confronted with evidence of cannibalism. Dead and wounded Australian and Japanese soldiers who had been left behind in the Australian retreat from Templeton's Crossing were stripped of flesh. In 1987, a Japanese documentary Yuki Yukite Shingun contained interviews with Japanese soldiers who confessed to cannibalism in New Guinea. The evidence of cannibalism inflamed and angered the feelings of the Australians towards their adversaries. The Japanese made little use of aerial resupply; an exception recorded is the drop of supplies at Kokoda on 23 September. When Australian forces reoccupied Kokoda, they found the strip there overgrown and unused.

Papuan labour

The pre-war plantation economy of the Australian territories of Papua and New Guinea was based on a system of indentured labour. On 15 June 1942, Morris issued the Employment of Natives Order under the National Security (Emergency Control) Regulations. This provided for the conscription of Papuan labour to support the Australian war effort. While resupply of the Australian forces on the track would have collapsed without airdrops, the native carrier force remained an essential component, moving supplies forward from the drop zones under arduous conditions. Captain Geoffrey 'Doc' Vernon wrote of the conditions endured: "The condition of our carriers at Eora Creek caused me more concern than that of the wounded ... Overwork, overloading ... exposure, cold and underfeeding were the common lot. Every evening scores of carriers came in, slung their loads down and lay exhausted on the ground." On their return, they would carry back the wounded with care: for which they have been mythologised as the "Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels". There are many testaments of praise for the care rendered. In relation to the carriers, Captain (later Major) Henry Steward wrote after the war that "the men on the stretchers ...[were] ... tended with the devotion of a mother and the care of a nurse", while Frank Kingsley Norris recounted that, "if night finds the stretcher still on the track, they will find a level spot and build a shelter over the patient. They will make him as comfortable as possible, fetch him water and feed him if food is available—regardless of their own needs. They sleep four each side of the stretcher and if the patient moves or requires any attention during the night, this is given instantly". The carrier force under command of Kienzle supporting the Australian advance is reported at over 1,600. The total number that worked on the track was significantly larger, with attrition through desertion and sickness. Author Paul Ham estimates a total of up to 3,000 and claims a desertion rate of 30 per cent. The ever-increasing need for labour impacted on the communities from which they were conscripted by reducing the capacity for food production. The Japanese also relied on native labour to transport supplies for their forces on the Kokoda Track. Around 2,000 indentured workers were transported to the mainland from Rabaul, and a further 300 residents of the north coast of Papua were recruited. These labourers were poorly treated, and suffered from overwork. Many carriers who became sick or injured were murdered by Japanese forces. This mistreatment caused high desertion rates among the Papuan carriers. As the Japanese had difficulty obtaining replacement carriers, the casualties and desertions contributed to shortfalls in the quantities of supplies which reached the combat troops.

Medical

When the 21st Brigade joined the fighting early in the campaign, the medical plan was for evacuation forward to Kokoda, and there, by air, on the premise that it would soon be recaptured. This was discarded as it quickly became apparent that this would not happen and any serious casualties were moved back toward Myola. Potts had requested air evacuation but this was refused for a lack of suitable aircraft. As Myola was threatened by the Japanese advance, the casualties gathered there had to be evacuated to the head of the track. The report of then Colonel Norris, the 7th Division's senior medical officer, noted the difficulty of providing sufficient means to move stretchers. Each required eight bearers which meant those wounded who were able to stagger were treated with "absolute ruthlessness" and not provided with stretchers. In one case, a casualty with a severely fractured patella (kneecap) walked for six days and some with worse injuries volunteered to walk to free a stretcher for the more seriously wounded. As the Australians advanced back along the track to Kokoda, Myola again became the main evacuation point. Aircraft were sent from Australia and approximately 40 patients were evacuated by air before a Ford Trimotor and a single-engined Stinson of unspecified model both crashed and further air evacuation from Myola was suspended. With the recapture of Kokoda, air landings and evacuation could occur from its landing strip and it became the main point of evacuation. As well as C–47s landing with supplies, Stinson L-1 Vigilant light observation aircraft converted for use as air ambulances, flew into Kokoda. At the start of November, the detachment at Myola was caring for 438 sick and wounded. Many walked back along the track as they became sufficiently well to make the trek. Some had to wait up to two-and-a-half months before porters were available to carry the stretcher cases forward to Kokoda for evacuation by air. The last arrived at Port Moresby only a couple of days before Christmas. Norris later wrote and questioned: "why after three years of war no adequate ambulance planes were available"?

Heavy weapons

Bullard reports that, while the munitions of the 144th Regiment were limited by what they could carry, this included eighteen [medium] machine guns (Type 92 Juki), three battalion (infantry) guns, two rapid-fire guns and two regimental artillery guns. The mountain artillery battalion deployed with three companies servicing a gun each, while leaving one gun in reserve at Buna. The 44th Regiment deployed with thirteen medium machine guns, three battalion guns, one regimental gun and one rapid-fire gun. Anderson indicates that the regimental and mountain artillery battalion guns were of the 75 mm Type 41, while the infantry guns were of the 70 mm Type 92. As the 37 mm guns were described as "rapid fire", these were most likely the dual-purpose Type 94 anti-tank gun which was a rapid-fire gun, as distinct from the earlier Type 11 37 mm infantry gun. It employed an automatic cartridge ejection and was capable of firing up to 30 rounds per minute. Primarily a direct-fire weapon, using telescopic sights, it had an effective range of 2,870 metres (3,140 yd) and could be broken down into four loads of 100 kilograms (220 lb). The Type 92 battalion gun was a 70 mm light howitzer capable of direct and indirect fire. It had an effective range of 2,800 metres (3,060 yd), firing a high-explosive projectile of 3.795 kilograms (8.37 lb). The Type 41 was a mountain gun capable of firing a 5.8-kilogram (13 lb) high-explosive projectile to a maximum range of 7,000 metres (7,700 yd). It could be broken down into eleven units of not more than 95 kilograms (210 lb). The Australian brigade structure included a regiment of artillery, consisting of two batteries, each equipped with twelve Ordnance QF 25-pounder guns. These had a range of 12,300 metres (13,400 yd) but weighed 1,800 kilograms (4,000 lb) and were not intended to be broken down into pack loads. As the Japanese advance threatened Imita Ridge the 14th Field Regiment (less one battery) deployed to near the head of the track to defend against a break-out by the Japanese into more open country. Two guns were hauled to Owers' Corner by caterpillar tractor. On 20 September, they shelled the Japanese positions at Ioribaiwa from a range of 10,000 metres (11,000 yd). A third gun was stripped down and man-handled forward, taking 50 men five days to move it just three kilometres (2 mi) through the mountainous jungle terrain. However, by time they were in position and ready to fire the Japanese were out of range.